I'm Palestinian. What do you want to say to me?

 

I'm Palestinian. What do you want to say to me?

I have a question for you:

If a person goes to a casino and places all of his worldly assets on a single throw of the dice or a single game of cards and loses, does he have the right to demand that the casino return his assets?

This is the result of a similar decision by your forebears, whether you parents, grandparents of great-grandparents. think about this very carefully while you read the rest of this post.

First and foremost, your government, such as it is, has to publicly abandon this declared objective:

There will never be a Palestine replacing Israel at any time. The massive land and asset theft this entails will never happen.

Your parents, grandparents or great grandparents made a decision and took action on that decision… to refuse to allow the Jewish state to be established on 11.5% of the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine.

This was the original Mandate for Palestine in 1920:

In 1922, Great Britain chopped off 77% of the Mandate to present to Abdullah bin al-Husseini for two purposes:

  1. As a consolation prize for losing the crown of Hejaz to the ibn Saud clan (the area now known as “Saudi Arabia”), and;
  2. As a bribe so that Abdullah wouldn’t attempt to take the Iraqi crown of his younger brother, Faisal.

One year later, the Brits illegally ceded the Golan Heights from the Mandate for Palestine to the Mandate for Syria/Lebanon, held by France in direct violation of the terms of the Mandate for Palestine, specifically, Article 5:

“Art. 5. The Mandatory [Great Britain] shall be responsible for seeing that no Palestine territory shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of the Government of any foreign Power”.

The Palestine Mandate
The Palestine Mandate The Palestine Mandate The Council of the League of Nations: Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have agreed, for the purpose of giving effect to the provisions of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations , to entrust to a Mandatory selected by the said Powers the administration of the territory of Palestine, which formerly belonged to the Turkish Empire, within such boundaries as may be fixed by them; and Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have also agreed that the Mandatory should be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 2nd, 1917 , by the Government of His Britannic Majesty, and adopted by the said Powers, in favor of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing should be done which might prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country; and Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country; and Whereas the Principal Allied Powers have selected His Britannic Majesty as the Mandatory for Palestine; and Whereas the mandate in respect of Palestine has been formulated in the following terms and submitted to the Council of the League for approval; and Whereas His Britannic Majesty has accepted the mandate in respect of Palestine and undertaken to exercise it on behalf of the League of Nations in conformity with the following provisions; and Whereas by the afore-mentioned Article 22 (paragraph 8), it is provided that the degree of authority, control or administration to be exercised by the Mandatory, not having been previously agreed upon by the Members of the League, shall be explicitly defined by the Council of the League Of Nations; confirming the said Mandate, defines its terms as follows: The Mandatory shall have full powers of legislation and of administration, save as they may be limited by the terms of this mandate. The Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the Jewish national home, as laid down in the preamble, and the development of self-governing institutions, and also for safeguarding the civil and religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespective of race and religion. The Mandatory shall, so far as circumstances permit, encourage local autonomy. An appropriate Jewish agency shall be recognised as a public body for the purpose of advising and co-operating with the Administration of Palestine in such economic, social and other matters as may affect the establishment of the Jewish national home and the interests of the Jewish population in Palestine, and, subject always to the control of the Administration to assist and take part

This left 22% of the original Mandate for the Jewish homeland while creating an Arab state that had never previously existed at the expense of the Mandate for Palestine, leaving this:

The Mandatory created two bodies of the local population, the Higher Arab Committee for Palestine and the Yishuv, the Jewish equivalent. Both were intended to be “shadow governments” in order to learn the workings of maintaining a viable nation-state entity.

That the Arabs of Palestine weren’t interested in any co-existence with the Jewish population of Palestine became obvious from a very early date with the riot and massacre of Jews at Nebi Musa on May 1, 1920, when Arabs, incited by Haj Amin al-Husseini attacked a Jewish Labor Day parade, believing his claims that “the Jews are murdering Arabs at al-Aqsa””.

1920 Nebi Musa riots - Wikipedia
Anti-Zionist riots in and around Jerusalem's Old City in British-controlled Palestine Nebi Musa procession, 4 April 1920 The 1920 Nebi Musa riots or 1920 Jerusalem riots took place in British-controlled part of Occupied Enemy Territory Administration between Sunday, 4 and Wednesday, 7 April 1920 in and around the Old City of Jerusalem . Five Jews and four Arabs were killed, and several hundred were injured. [1] The riots coincided with and are named after the Nebi Musa festival, which took place every year on Easter Sunday , and followed rising tensions in Arab-Jewish relations. The events came shortly after the Battle of Tel Hai and the increasing pressure on Arab nationalists in Syria in the course of the Franco-Syrian War . Speeches were given by Arab religious leaders during the festival (in which large numbers of Muslims traditionally gathered for a religious procession), which included slogans referencing Zionist immigration and previous confrontations around outlying Jewish villages in the Galilee . The trigger which turned the procession into a riot is not known with certainty. [2] The British military administration of Palestine was criticized for withdrawing troops from inside Jerusalem and because it was slow to regain control. [3] As a result of the riots, trust among the British, Jews, and Arabs eroded. One consequence was that the Jewish community increased moves towards an autonomous infrastructure and security apparatus parallel to that of the British administration. [ citation needed ] In its wake, sheikhs of 82 villages around the city and Jaffa, claiming to represent 70% of the population, issued a document protesting the demonstrations against the Jews. This condemnation may have been procured with bribes. [4] Notwithstanding the riots, the Palestinian Jewish community held elections for the Assembly of Representatives on 19 April 1920 among Jews everywhere in Palestine except Jerusalem, where they were delayed to 3 May. [5] The riots also preceded the San Remo conference which was held from 19 to 26 April 1920 at which the fate of the Middle East was to be decided. Background [ edit ] British security forces searching Arab civilians, April 1920 Anti-Zionist demonstration at Damascus Gate, 8 March 1920 The contents and proposals of both the Balfour Declaration of 1917 and Paris Peace Conference, 1919 , which later concluded with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles , were the subject of intensive discussion by both Zionist and Arab delegations, and the process of the negotiations were widely reported in both communities. In particular, the collapse of the Ottoman Empire , led to an undertaking by the victorious powers, predominantly Great Britain and France, to assume a 'holy mission of civilization' in the power vacuum of the Middle East. Under the Balfour Declaration, a homeland for the Jewish people was to be created in Palestine. The principle of self-determination affirmed by the League of Nations was not to be applied

Anti-Jewish riots continued irregularly, until the massacres in Hebron and Safed in 1929 made it quite plain that there would be no Arab acceptance of any kind of Jewish entity unless it was as Dhimmi.

During the Arab riots of 1936 to 1939, there were four options presented to both sides for partitioning between the two:

The Peel Commission in 1937, which the Jews accepted and the Arabs rejected:

then there was the Woodhead Commission in 1939, which presented three options for partition. All were accepted by the Jews and rejected by the Arabs:

Immediately after WWII, an additional proposal was made by the Anglo-American Committee, once again, accepted by the Jews and rejected by the Arabs:

On November 29, 1947, the UN General Assembly voted on this proposal for the Partition of Palestine, which was once again accepted by the Jews and rejected by the Arabs… this time not only by the Arabs of Palestine, but by the six Arab states of the Arab League: Egypt, Iraq, Transjordan (renamed Jordan in 1949), Saudi Arabia and Syria. These states rejected the resolution in its entirety, violating their commitment to the UN Charter, and swore that the Jewish state would never exist.

This was probably the worst of the partition plans, turning the Mandate for Palestine into a jigsaw puzzle with three separate pieces for the “Jewish state” mentioned no less than 30 times and another three separate pieces for the “Arab state”, mentioned no less than 22 times in the resolution.

Jerusalem was intended t be a “corpus separatum” (separated body) for ten years, administered by the UN, with a decision on the permanent status to come as the result of a referendum of the citizens of the two countries.

The day after the UN vote, on November 30, 1947, the Arabs in Palestine embarked on a civil was intended to drive the Jews out of Palestine. When it became obvious that the Arabs of Palestine weren’t capable of doing this, even with the assistance of the “Arab Liberation Army from Syria led by

Fawzi al-Qawuqji - Wikipedia
Arab Liberation Army commander (1890–1977) Fawzi al-Qawuqji ( Arabic : فوزي القاوقجي ‎; 19 January 1890 – 5 June 1977) was a leading Arab nationalist military figure in the interwar period, [1] The British military were impressed by his military acumen when he served briefly in Palestine in 1936 fighting the British Mandatory suppression of the Palestinian Revolt . [2] A political decision by the British enabled him to flee the country in 1937. He was based in Nazi Germany during World War II , and served as the Arab Liberation Army (ALA) field commander during the 1948 Palestine War . Early life [ edit ] Fawzi al-Qawuqji was born in 1890 into a Turkmen family in the city of Tripoli , which was then part of the Ottoman Empire . [3] In 1912, he graduated from the military academy in Istanbul. [4] Gilbert Achcar has described him as "Arab nationalism's leading military figure in the interwar period... served as a commander in all the Arab national battles of the period." World War I [ edit ] He served as a captain (Yuzbashi) in the 12th Ottoman corps garrison in Mosul, and in several battles during the First World War, including at Qurna in Iraq and at Beersheba in Ottoman Palestine. He was decorated with the Ottoman Majidi Medal for his role in these battles. [4] He was also awarded the German Iron Cross, second class, for his bravery in the battle around Nabi Samwil . The book O Jerusalem! claims he fought alongside General Otto von Kreiss 's Prussian unit during this period. [4] [5] Al-Qawuqji conducted infiltrations behind British lines to report back directly to General Otto Liman von Sanders , [6] and in his operations, he served as special assistant to a cavalry officer, a certain von Leyser. [7] When his loyalty as an Ottoman officer was questioned because of his Arab origins, von Leyser wrote a letter in his defense, which states: 'This is to confirm that First Lieutenant Fawzi Bey served with me in his capacity as companion and aide from 1/3/16 until 12/5/17. I can testify to the fact that he offered outstanding service to his country during this period and distinguished himself with unusual energy and experience . .(H)e is of good character and intelligent and perceptive, and he has perfected the German language in a few months in a way that has amazed everyone.' [8] Interwar period [ edit ] The Ottoman Empire collapsed after World War I. Al-Qawuqji supported the independence of the short-lived Arab Kingdom of Syria . In 1920, he fought at the Battle of Maysalun , serving in the army of King Faisal as a captain ( ra'is khayyal ) in a squadron commanded by Taha al-Hashimi . After the unsuccessful outcome of the campaign to establish the Arab Kingdom of Syria, Syria became a French Mandate . Al-Qawuqji then joined the 'Syrian Legion' (also known as the French-Syrian Army ) which had been created by the French mandatory authorities. Al-Qawuqji received formal training at the French École spéciale militaire de Saint-Cyr . [9] He became com

and the “Army of the Holy War” from Egypt. led by

Abd al-Qadir al-Husayni - Wikipedia
Abd al-Qadir al-Husayni ( Arabic : عبد القادر الحسيني ‎), also spelled Abd al-Qader al-Husseini (1907 – 8 April 1948) was a Palestinian Arab nationalist and fighter who in late 1933 founded the secret militant group known as the Organization for Holy Struggle ( Munathamat al-Jihad al-Muqaddas ), [1] [2] which he and Hasan Salama commanded as the Army of the Holy War ( Jaysh al-Jihad al-Muqaddas ) during the 1936–1939 Arab revolt and during the 1948 war . Family and early nationalist career [ edit ] Abd al-Qadir's wedding, 1934 Husayni was born to the influential al-Husayni family of Jerusalem , son of Musa al-Husayni . He graduated in chemistry at the American University in Cairo and organized the Congress of Educated Muslims . Initially, he took a post in the settlement department of the British Mandate government but eventually moved to the Hebron area during the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine to lead the struggle against the British. A member of the Palestine Arab Party , he served as its secretary-general and became editor-in-chief of the party's paper Al-Liwa ' [3] and other newspapers, including Al-Jami'a Al-Islamiyya . Abd al-Qadir married in 1934 and fathered Faisal al-Husayni (17 July 1940 – 31 May 2001), the founder and leader of Arab Studies Society , head of Fatah organization in the West Bank and Palestinian Authority Minister for Jerusalem Affairs. Battle of al-Qastal [ edit ] In 1938, Husayni was exiled and in 1939 fled to Iraq where he took part in the Rashid Ali al-Gaylani coup . He moved to Egypt in 1946, but secretly returned to Palestine to lead the Army of the Holy War in January 1948. Husayni was killed while personally reconnoitring an area of Qastal Hill shrouded by fog, in the early hours of 8 April 1948. [4] His forces later captured al-Qastal from the Haganah , which had occupied the village at the start of Operation Nachshon six days earlier with a force of about 100 men. [5] They retreated to the Jewish settlement of Motza . [6] Palmach troops recaptured the village on the night of 8–9 April, losing 18 men in the attack; [7] most of the houses were blown up and the hill became a command post. [8] [9] Huseyni's death was a factor in the loss of morale among his forces. [10] Abdul Qader al-Husseini with his troops prior to the January 1948 attack on Kfar Etzion . Photograph taken by a Palmach spy Abdul Qader al-Husseini with his officers on the day he was killed See also [ edit ] ^ Swedenburg, 1999, p. 150 ^ Sayigh, 2000, p. 35 ^ Levenberg, 1993, p. 6. ^ Morris, 2008, p.123. ^ Morris, 2003, p. 234. ^ Dana Adams Schmidt, "Arabs Win Kastel But Chief is Slain", The New York Times , 9 April 1948, p. 8 (A brief biography and account of the battle). ^ "דף הבית" . Archived from the original on 1 June 2012 . Retrieved 23 November 2010 . ^ Benveniśtî, 2002, p.111. ^ Morris, 2003, p. 235. ^ Time , "War for Jerusalem Road" References [ edit ] External links [ edit ]

and Hasan Salama.

So, on May 15, the day after the end of the Mandate for Palestine, Egyptian, Jordanian, Syrian and Lebanese troops, supported by Iraq and Saudi Arabia attacked Israel from four directions with the declared objective of eliminating the newly-born Jewish state.

They failed. Their failure was more due to mistrust between the leaders, corruption in the various militaries and a lack of motivation among the troops than it was to any Israeli heroics or “miracles”.

The only Arab army that had any gains was the Jordanian Army, trained by the British and commanded by British officers, with a British general,

John Bagot Glubb - Wikipedia
Glubb Pasha in Amman in 1940 Lieutenant-General Sir John Bagot Glubb , KCB , CMG , DSO , OBE , MC , KStJ , KPM (16 April 1897 – 17 March 1986), known as Glubb Pasha , was a British soldier, scholar and author, who led and trained Transjordan 's Arab Legion between 1939 and 1956 as its commanding general. During the First World War , he served in France. Glubb has been described as an "integral tool in the maintenance of British control." [1] Born in Preston, Lancashire , and educated at Cheltenham College , Glubb gained a commission in the Royal Engineers in 1915. On the Western Front of World War I , he suffered a shattered jaw. In later years, this would lead to his Arab nickname of Abu Hunaik , meaning "the one with the little jaw". He was then transferred to Iraq in 1920, which Britain had started governing under a League of Nations Mandate following war, and was posted to Ramadi in 1922 "to maintain a rickety floating bridge over the river [Euphrates], carried on boats made of reeds daubed with bitumen ", as he later put it. [2] He became an officer of the Arab Legion in 1930. The next year he formed the Desert Patrol – a force consisting exclusively of Bedouin – to curb the raiding problem that plagued the southern part of the country. Within a few years he had persuaded the Bedouin to abandon their habit of raiding neighbouring tribes. In 1939, Glubb succeeded Frederick G. Peake as the commander of the Arab Legion (subsequently known as the Jordan Royal Army ). During this period, he transformed the Legion into the best-trained force in the Arab world. According to the Encyclopædia of the Orient : Glubb served his home country all through his years in the Middle East, making him immensely unpopular in the end. Arab nationalists believed that he had been the force behind pressure that made King Hussein I of Jordan join the Baghdad Pact . Glubb served different high positions in the Arab Legion, the army of Transjordan. During World War II he led attacks on Arab leaders in Iraq , as well as the Vichy regime which was present in Lebanon and Syria . [3] During the 1948 Arab–Israeli War , the Arab Legion was considered the strongest Arab army involved in the war. [4] Glubb led the Arab Legion across the River Jordan to occupy the West Bank (May 1948). Despite some negotiation and understanding between the Jewish Agency and King Abdullah , severe fighting took place in Kfar Etzion massacre (May 1948), Jerusalem and Latrun (May–July 1948). According to Avi Shlaim , Rumours that Abdullah was once again in contact with the Jewish leaders further damaged his standing in the Arab world. His many critics suggested that he was prepared to compromise the Arab claim to the whole of Palestine as long as he could acquire part of Palestine for himself. 'The internecine struggles of the Arabs,' reported Glubb, 'are more in the minds of Arab politicians than the struggle against the Jews. Azzam Pasha , the mufti and the Syrian government would sooner see the

in overall command and British officers mixed with Jordanian officers as far down as the platoon level. Egypt retained the Gaza Strip and treated it like a conquered territory.

Interestingly enough, the PLO waived all claims to those areas in their 1964 Palestinian National Charter:

“Article 24: This Organization does not exercise any territorial sovereignty over the West Bank in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, on the Gaza Strip or in the Himmah [Golan] Area. Its activities will be on the national popular level in the liberational, organizational, political and financial fields”.

Permanent Observer Mission of the State of Palestine to the United Nations
Palestine National Charter of 1964 (Al-Mithaq Al-Kawmee Al-Philisteeni)* INTRODUCTION We, the Palestinian Arab people, who waged fierce and continuous battles to safeguard its homeland, to defend its dignity and honor, and who offered all through the years continuous caravans of immortal martyrs, and who wrote the noblest pages of sacrifice, offering and giving. We, the Palestinian Arab people, who faced the forces of evil, injustice and aggression, against whom the forces of international Zionism and colonialism conspire and worked to displace it, dispossess it from its homeland and property, abused what is holy in it and who in spite of all this refused to weaken or submit. We, the Palestinian Arab people, who believe in its Arabism and in its right to regain its homeland, to realize its freedom and dignity, and who have determined to amass its forces and mobilize its efforts and capabilities in order to continue its struggle and to move forward on the path of holy war (al-jihad) until complete and final victory has been attained, We, the Palestinian Arab people, based on our right of self-defense and the complete restoration of our lost homeland- a right that has been recognized by international covenants and common practices including the Charter of the United Nations-and in implementation of the principles of human rights, and comprehending the international political relations, with its various ramifications and dimensions, and considering the past experiences in all that pertains to the causes of the catastrophe, and the means to face it, And embarking from the Palestinian Arab reality, and for the sake of the honor of the Palestinian individual and his right to free and dignified life, And realizing the national grave responsibility placed upon our shoulders, for the sake of all this, We, the Palestinian Arab people, dictate and declare this Palestinian National Charter and swear to realize it. Article 1. Palestine is an Arab homeland bound by strong Arab national ties to the rest of the Arab Countries and which together form the great Arab homeland. Article 2: Palestine, with its boundaries at the time of the British Mandate, is a indivisible territorial unit. Article 3: The Palestinian Arab people has the legitimate right to its homeland and isan inseparable part of the Arab Nation. It shares the sufferings and aspirations of the Arab Nation and its struggle for freedom, sovereignty, progress and unity. Article 4: The people of Palestine determine its destiny when it completes the liberation of its homeland in accordance with its own wishes and free will and choice. Article 5: The Palestinian personality is a permanent and genuine characteristic that does not disappear. It is transferred from fathers to sons. Article 6: The Palestinians are those Arab citizens who were living normally in Palestine up to 1947, whether they remained or were expelled. Every child who was born to a Palestinian Arab father after this date, whether in Palesti

So, apparently, the West Bank and Gaza Strip weren’t “Palestinian territory” in the eyes of the PLO until they were no longer under Arab control. This article disappeared from the re-written 1968 Palestinian National Charter after the 6-Day War.

There is, by the way, sufficient evidence to indicate that had the Arab armies been victorious and eliminated Israel in 1948, there still would have been no Palestinian state, the land would have been split between Lebanon, Syria, Jordan and Egypt.

Here are some quotes from Arab leaders that you should perhaps be made aware of:

“The Palestinian people does not exist. The creation of a Palestinian state is only a means for continuing our struggle against the state of Israel for our Arab unity. In reality today there is no difference between Jordanians, Palestinians, Syrians and Lebanese. Only for political and tactical reasons do we speak today about the existence of a Palestinian people, since Arab national interests demand that we posit the existence of a distinct Palestinian people to oppose Zionism.

“For tactical reasons, Jordan, which is a sovereign state with defined borders, cannot raise claims to Haifa and Jaffa, while as a Palestinian, I can undoubtedly demand Haifa, Jaffa, Beer-Sheva and Jerusalem. However, the moment we reclaim our right to all of Palestine, we will not wait even a minute to unite Palestine and Jordan.” – Interview with Zuheir Muhsin, a member of the PLO Executive Council, published in the March 31, 1977 edition of the Dutch Newspaper “Trouw”.

The Soviet-Palestinian Lie
"The PLO was dreamt up by the KGB, which had a penchant for 'liberation' organizations." — Ion Mihai Pacepa, former chief of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Romania. "First, the KGB destroyed the official records of Arafat's birth in Cairo, and
Understanding the 'Palestinian' movement
Understanding the Palestinian Movement An HIR Series, in four parts Historical and Investigative Research - 22 April 2006 by Francisco Gil-White http://www.hirhome.com/israel/pal_mov.htm 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 __________________________________________________________ Introduction In 1929 there were Arab terrorist riots in British Mandate Palestine against the civilian Jewish population that lived there. “The [1929] riots were accompanied by militant Arab slogans such as... ‘Palestine is our land and the Jews our dogs...’ [ and ] brutal acts by Arabs...such as the killings in Hebron, where small children were tortured by their murderers before being murdered. ...the Jewish community in Palestine found itself caught up in a wave of violent disturbances that swept with a fury through Jewish settlements and neighborhoods throughout the length and breadth of the country. The danger now appeared to threaten the very survival of the entire Jewish community.” [1] This was not the first mass racist attack by Arabs against unarmed civilian Jews in British Mandate ‘Palestine,’ nor would it be the last attempted extermination. Historian Anita Shapira, above, writes in a way that suggests compassion for the Jewish victims of Arab racism. She is considered to be a Zionist. For a different portrayal, let us turn to Zionism: False Messiah , by historian Nathan Weinstock, who agrees with Shapira on the most important facts but not on the interpretation: “...the Palestinian anti-colonialist movement was deformed by racism. The distorted national struggle expressed itself in anti-Jewish slogans (‘Palestine is our country and the Jews are our dogs’), followed up by attacks upon Jewish passers-by and store-owners, and eventually in mob violence akin to the all-too familiar pogrom [ = unprovoked racist attack against unarmed Jews, with the semi-unofficial assistance of the (in this case British) authorities [1a] ]. These attacks cannot, however, in any way be assimilated to straightforward anti-Semitic outrages which had their source in classical European coordinates of the Jewish problem, but should be seen as a deformed expression of national consciousness, all the more understandable as the Zionist leaders clearly allied with the British while the latter encouraged this distraction from the anti-imperialist struggle.” [2] Notice first that the anti -Zionist historian -- Weinstock -- agrees that Arab mobs attacked civilian Jews in British Mandate ‘Palestine,’ and that these mobs were racist . Weinstock, like Shapira, quotes the slogan that the Arab rioters chanted in the streets: “Palestine is our country and the Jews are our dogs.” These are important points of agreement. The difference is that Shapira goes out of her way to stress the genocidal intent of the Arab attackers: “The danger now appeared to threaten the very survival of the entire Jewish community”; whereas

I’m sorry, but you have been used and abused by selfish, corrupt people who do not have your interests at heart, only their own greed and dishonesty.

All I can do is hope that you and other Palestinians learn and understand that you’ve been cruelly used by your own countrymen.

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